"
Cultural Aspects
Religion -- the concept of p u r i e and impurity
A s is well-known. Marxist theory emphasizes forms of inequalitp that are
related to political and economic power. The theory tends to underestimate the
autonornous force of non-utilitarian. expressive values in the continuity of
culture. De Vos argues that a thorough understanding of these psychological
forces in the context of the society's cultural history as weil as the economic
functions of discrimination. are necessary if we are to understand the nature
of continuing prejudice in modern society (1995: 285).
Both Durkheim and Weber paid attention to the force of unquestioned or
sacred values in shaping and continuing a cultural pattern. Cnderstanding
the non-econornic forces governing human behavior is important in order to
explain why discrimination against the Buraku people continues. Attitudes or
feelings related to non-economic/political values become embodied in socidy
discriminatory behaviors.
Nisbet (1974: 1644) summarizes Durkheim's understanding of religion
and its function in society this wap: 1) religion is necessary to society as a vital
mechanism of integration for human beings and as a means to u& symbols:
2) religion is a seedbed for social change: 3) more important than creed or
belief. religion's most enduring elernents are in n t d ceremony. hierarchy.
and community: and 1) there is a link between religion and the origins of
human thought and reason. In short. Durkeim saw religion as a consecration
of community. and a source of respect for society. In his social theory. the
religious system governing a society is, in essence. an embodiment of the
sacred or value aspects that give ultimate meaning to a system. From
Durkeim's perspective. religious elements. in this case. especially concepts of
purity and impurity, require analysis. Several writers have used this
perspective to analyze Japanese society and the exclusion of the Buraku.
including Mary Douglas (1966).George De Vos and Wagatsuma (1995).and De
Vos and Suarez-Orozco (1990).
Historically. in Japan. there has always been a status system that entirely
excluded some people. by considering them outside mainstream society. They
were considered not only inferior. but also ritually polluted. De Vos points out
that while "various visibly different physical characteristics may be suggested
a s necessary criteria for dinerentiation.. ...non-visible features can be used
with equal force to segregate off a portion of the population of a society as
essentially inferior, or in religious terms 'impure"' (1992: 171). ,As examples. he
notes that "particular language forms and modes of physical cornportment or
eating practices.. ...can come to be interpreted as genetically transmitted
forms of 'ugliness'. if they cWer from the standards aimed at by the majority"
(1995: 284).
The indigenous religion of Japan, Shinto, places great emphasis on ritual
purity conceived as both a state of sou1 and a state of body, and on purity's
necessary underside. conceptions of pollution. here associated with blood. dirt.
and death. These Shinto beliefs were deployed by the rulers to create a lowest
class comprised of the Eta and Hinin. because they engaged in jobs related to
death and bloodletting. They started to be considered d.irty and polluted. At
the same time. under the influence of Shinto. Emperor worship was also
created. As Douglas put it. "beliefs which attribute spiritual power to
individuals are never neutral or £ree of the dominant patterns of social
structure" (1966: 135). Emperor-worship and scorn for the Buraku people
share roots in the same religious concepts. In eady Japanese religion.
cleaniiness was not merely ne-xt to godliness. it was godhness.
These beliefs took on additional meaning with the importation of
Buddhism in the 6'h century. Until then. there had been noble-ignoble
relations under the ancient emperor system. From ancient times t o the
beginning of the Chusei period (1192-1603), this system was dominant (Kan.
1995: 13). Buddhisrn played an important role in effecting a shift £rom the
noble-ignoble system to the absolute pure-impure system. From the Chusei
period to the beginning of Tokugawa period (1603-186'7).the two systems were
fused. but during the Tokugawa period. the latter became dominant (Noma
and Nakaura. 1983: 210). This explains why discrimination against the Eta
people escalated in the Tokugawa period. Under the latter system. the impure
people are isolated and removed. as Kuroda has demonstrated. and as a result.
they are considered outside the system (Kuroda. 1996).
Murata (2000: 19) shows how those who are considered impure and
polluted are isolated and excluded fiom society. Their fate is controlled by
rulers and, the structure of discrimination is doubled. In other words. such
people are not only at the bottom of the status system but they are also
considered poliuted. As a result. even after the clasç system is abolished. and
they become free from official control. people continue to label them as impure
and to stigmatize them.
Douglas (1966: 110 also suggests that "if a person has no place in the
social system and is therefore a marginal being. all precaution against danger
must come from others. He cannot help his abnormal situation." She argues
that:
Pollution is a type of danger which is not L e l y to occur except where
the Lines of structure. cosmic or social. are clearly defined. .A polluting
person is always in the wrong. He has developed some wrong condition
or simply crossed some Line which should not have been crossed and
this displacement unleashes danger for someone (1966: 136).
For her. fear of pollution is a symbolic referent to social structure. She
assumes that the origin of a fear of pollution must be found in social structure.
De Vos also mentions that "the disavowal is accompanied by
abhorrence"(l995: 284). and that all abhorrent activities are "initiated as weil
as responded to with the human autonornic nervous system"(199.j: 284). In
other words. the reaction to such people is experienced a s physiological
aversion.
Thirty-five years ago, George Leonard (1964: 16- 18)discussed frankly his
feelings towards black people in the United States. When he shook hands with
a black person, he felt the hand was dirty and had a n impulse to wash his
hands immediately. However, he realized that this was a ridiculous feeling,
because black people had taken care of him. had cooked his meals. and he had
never felt that black skin was dirty. It was the equality of touching that
distressed him. As Wagatsuma (1964) opined. when the superiority of the
white people was &m. they did not have to confirm their superiority. in ways.
such a s looking down on black people. However. after the official emancipation
in 1865. some white people looked for ways to confirrn their own superiority. In
this case. "dirty" does not have a literal meaning. but implies consciousness of
irnpurity. including strong evasion and removal. As we have explored. through
the concept of purity and impurity. a certain group is excluded and considered
untouchable. Then. these concepts of purity and impurity contribute to or may
become a discourse on racism.
The question is whether these reiigious concepts -- pure and impure -- still
affect the Japanese people. It is generally clairned that the Japanese people
are no longer religious. But according to Agency for Cultural Affairs (1997).
the number of Japanese people who register membership in religious groups
(religious affiliation) is 2O'TE8.'iX: Shinto 12.2l3.58'i (49.2%). Buddhism
9 1,583,843 (44.1%j. Christianity 3,168.596 (1.5%) and others lO.t93..j48
(.5.2%).Based on these numbers, almost two thirds of Japanese people belong
to two religious groups because the Japanese total population is only
125,'760,000(1996).
Yet. most surveys conducted in Japan over the past three decades show
that about two-thirds of Japanese people c l a h they are not religious. In a
recent survey conduded in a university class. "not a single student attended
the s e M c e s of any religion on a weekly basis. And only seven went monthly to
either a Buddhist temple (5), a Shinto shrine (l),or a Christian church (1)"
(James, 2000: 2).
However. daily Life in J a p a n is affected by religious elements which
o r i g i n d y come from Chinese Rokuyo. Rokuyo is a six-day rotation of unlucky
days and lucky days. According to this. we have a very lucky day every sixth-
day. Almost d Japanese calendars show which date is lucky or unlucky day,
based on Rokuyo. For instance, couples never have their wedding on unlucky
days. Therefore. halls for wedding ceremonies are usually closed or have
special discount on these days. Mso according to the National Police Agency.
88.14 million people went to shrines and temples during the fust three days of
the year 2000. The Japanese people think that is not religion. but just custom.
However. James (2000: 2) suggests thinking "about whether Japanese people
are 'reiigious' in a M e r e n t way. Not in terms of belief or weekly worship
perhaps. but in terms of what they do. in terms of religious activity. Because if
it looks Like religion. and if it smells like religion. then maybe it is religion."
The concepts of purity and impurity, also have been assimilated into daily
life and ways of thuiking. For example. funeral attendants salt themselves at
the entrance before they enter their houses. to pu.nîy their bodies that have
been contaminated by attending the b e r a l . This kind of ancient Shinto
practice, also seen in sumo w r e s t h g , is one of many ways in which yamato
Japanese continue to observe ablution and other rituals intended to cleanse a
place or object that is thought to have been deaed. While the Japanese do not
necessarily recognize religious practices. we unconsciously follow these
practices in daily Me. Douglas points out that "the concept 'purity' remains in
the culture. Cultures. in the sense of the public. standardized values of a
community. mediate the experience of individuals" (1966: 52). The concept of
purity is inserted in culture and handed down f?om generation to generation.
In this process. religious concepts affect ways of thinking and behaving.
In the case of Buraku exclusion. the concept of puRty and impurity w h c h
the Japanese unconsciously have. has played a vital role. For example. disgust
is the most widely held and commonlp verbalized attitude against the Buraku
people arnong majority Japanese. Individuals who are unwilling even to
discuss the Buraku distort their faces and exclaim -- dirty. Moreover. the
majority also tend to have negative images; minority people are "dirty," "lazy,"
"aggressive." "unstable". "hostile". "dangerous." "clannish" (Donoghue. 1977:
40). A Buraku person reported that: "shoppers did not try to touch money
which she paid. because they thought it was r e d y dirty" (Obituary, 1997:84).
Because of this avoidance of pollution. discrimination against the Buraku
people continues more than one hundred years after official emancipation. In
this way, the concepts of purity and impurity become a discourse on racism
and Buraku people have been racialized and ercluded.
"
Buraku also weirdly sounds like how the Japanese would pronounce Black when speaking in heavily Japanese accented English.
"
National Character
In this section, I wiU examine what is said about the Japanese national
character which. needless to say. draws upon the preceding religious aspects.
The noted American anthropologist, Ruth Benedict pubLished this
summary in 1946":
Their [Japanese] reliance upon order and hierarchy and our
[ h e r i c a n ] faith in fieedom and equaiity are poles apart (43). In ali
her national history, Japan has been a strong class and caste society
(67). [Japan is] a nation t d y hierarchal fkom top to bottom and hence
understood the necessity of taking 'one's proper placet (23).Hierarchy
based on ses and generation and primogeniture are part and parcel of
family H e (49).Japan sanctioned class mobility to a greater degree
than continental Europe did. but no evidence for such a statement
could be more convincing than the lack of any sign of a class war
between aristocracy and bourgeoisie (73). The attendant habits
diligently pursued make it possible for the Japanese to honor their
moral indebtedness to a degree that would not cross the mind of an
Occidental ( 103).
As she points out. historically, there have always been stratification systems
based on different measures such as social status. age and sex. While this
promotes a sense of sec- about the social order for many Japanese. the
other side is that they are expected to behave according to their position iii the
status order. Therefore. the development of ego-control. of the capacity to act
" This is a classic analysis of Japanese aociety and. even now. has been introduced to
grasp the idea of Japan and the Japanese. H e r analysis is surprisingly accurate, even
though the Second World War prevented her hom visiting Japan to conduct field research.
She i n t e ~ e w e dmany Japanese people who lived in the United States,and Westerners
who had lived in Japan, and collected data h m other wnnen materials.
according to one's own judgments and carry through principles one personally
believes, is inhibited fiom infancy. Through the educational system. these
characteristics were reinforced. With these underlying attitudes and
principles of conduct, the Japanese people respect the "supremacy of custom"
and "submission t o authority" (Fukutake. 1989: 43). Behavior within a status
order means suppressing one's individuality and submitting obediently to the
will of status superiors. Therefore. the Japanese are rarely conscious of
contlict of interest among the ruling groups.
This characteristic is created through the IE [family kinl system. The
Japanese traditional family was based on a parent-child relationship, rather
than a marital relationship. In particular. the father dominated other family
members, -- a clear patriarchal system. The eldest son camed on the family
tradition and succeeded as the family head. The family head had total power
over the family members. This long-standing IE system was kept and
legalîzed under the Meiji Civil Code. According to Mau Weber (1924). the
purest forrns of feudalism were established in Europe and Japan with
inheritance systerns strictly favoring elder sons rather than the systems of
divided inheritance in other h i a n countries such as China and India. This
Japanese inheritance system worked well in supplying large numbers of
laborers to industrialization because people who did not inherit the famfiy
headship went to work in factories. I'herefore. the IE system helped promote
industrialization. On the other hand. succession to the head position in a
family helped maintain the family's social standing, such as honor and fame --
or. in the case of the Buraku. their lack of respect.
In addition, the IE system prevented civic equality and created sexual
discrimination within families. Fukutake has argued that it should have been
otherwise:
When. with the development of society's productive potential.
circumstances permit men abundant opportunities for economic
independence. they are able to become fkee. independent. and self-
reliant actors. Their social relations are relations of equality based on
a mutual recognition of each other 's basic equality as individuals.
Even relations of control and subordination. when they arise. are
relations limited to particular spheres which do not involve
subordination of the whole personality. Such are the social relations
characteristic of modern society ( 1989: 49).
In Japan. however. this IE system was reflected in the whole society -- a
familistic structure created a "vertical society" (Kwashima 1948. Nakane
1967). In his post-war book. The Lonely Crowd David Riesman (1950)
described the Japanese as tradition oriented with familialism pervading the
workplace. The lifetime employment system and seniority-based promotion
system were -- and still are -- comrnon among many Japanese companies. This
system contributed to Company loyalty and whole-hearted devotion to one's
work, and finally led to high economic growth.
Fukutake (1989: 15) uses the expression -- "'Western techniques' with an
'Eastern morality"'. Although the familistic character has brought some
benefits. it blocked the development of individualism and a self-conscious
sense of citizenship. Instead, strong group solidarity has been rnaintained and
people tend to distinguish their communities from the outside.
One of Japan's leading psychiatrists. Takeo Doi (1973). analyzes the
anatomy of dependence as a key component of Japanese behavior. He related
that "the Japanese are often said to be group-minded, to be strong as a group
but weak as individuals. It is also said that the freedom of the individual is
still not b m l y established in Japanese society" (19'73: 3 Moreover. he
notes that the "Japanese people tend to distinguish between the types of
human relationship that they refer to as outer and imer". and "most Japanese
consider it perfectly natural that a m a n should Vary his attitude depending on
whether he is dealing with his 'inner circle' or with others" (19'73: 40-41).
Partly because of this. it is generally said that foreigners who live in Japan
feel alienated. .As with foreigners. the Buraku people. are also categorized as
outsiders. and the Japanese majority act differently towards them. Moreover.
because of strong group-mentality, Japanese tend to value cooperation and
hide divergent opinions. as a Japanese proverb goes -- the nail that sticks out
will get a pounding. As a result. they tend to follow custom. and prejudice
against the Buraku people continues.
Giddens observes (1989: 243) that "the case of the Burakumin
demonstrates how ingrained and enduring prejudices towards a minority
group can be. even when there are no physical differences £rom the rest of the
population." The Japanese national character -- that sedimented amalgam of
socio-cultual beliefs and practices -- has helped to enforce persistence of
exclusion of the Buraku people. These beliefs and practices are internalized.
and contribute to the development of people's identities.
Identiw -- superiority-inferiority
Berger (1963: 98) argues that "identities are socially given. maintained. and
formed." and Burker (1980: 18) has singled out four aspects of identities. "(1)
identities are meanings a person attributes to the self as an object in a social
situation or social roles: (3) identities are relational: (3) identities are
reflexive: (4) identities are a source of motivation: and identities operate
indirectly." Accordingly, identity is a social production which is generated £rom
social interaction with others and produces definitions of self. More complex
societies produce more complex identities. De Vos related that "the concept
social self-identity suggests how the individual makes some attempt to
assume. in as integrated a manner as possible. an i ~ e rconsistency in
inhabiting a series of roles in various social relationships" (1990: 33).
Identities. including "self concept. social self and reflected self." Ciagi. 1994:
41) are created step by step through interactions with families. teachers. and
others fiom childhood.
De iTos argues that personal individuation and maturation among the
Buraku people is more of a challenge than among ordinary Japanese. for a
person must overcome obstacles to obtain ready acceptance îrom members of
the majority (1995: 283).
Through systemic prejudice and discrimination &orn childhood. the
Buraku have to create their identity. As a result. negative identity or self-
image develops unconsciously (De Vos and Wagtsuma. 1995: 281)". This
tendency can be observed in a lot of rninorities, such as Black people in the US.
Some revealing material has been gathered by a few Japanese social scientists
concerning the Buraku's group identity. For example. Koyama (1953) showed
the mixture of active resentment against the majority society and a passive
sense of persona1 inferioRty in Buraku attitudes. Donoghue mentions one
episode:
l 2 ;\s a result of exclusion by means of strong social dumimination and prejudice. many
Buraku people. especiaily older people. have a s t m n g sense of solidarity and a sense of
unity reminiscent of pre-modern societies. De Vos (1992: 169)explaina that "the Buraku
p e n o n w ho remains identfied with the group is obliged to depend even more strongly
upon members of the group than do rnernbers of the majority society. especialiy in the
sphere of occupation and mamage." Fukutake (1969: 96) analyzed Japanese rural
communities. In these communities, each household has very close relations with its
nearest neighbors, o b n with stem-branch f a d y relations. I n ewry day rnatters.
contacta are closer and more continuous. The ties provide convenient networks for various
social activities. This kind of neighborhood group system has a very ancient history and
in the Tokugawa period this iund of group membenhip shared legal responsibdity. With
the outbreak of World War II, for example. neighborhood groups were created throughout
the country. But. a h r the World War II. with the processes of modernization and
urbanization, this kind of pre-modern system vanished across Japan. két. it remains in
the Buraku communities where the Pace of modernization a n d urbanization is much
dower. Whde this soiidarity helps individuals cope, some argue that these pre-modem
aspects in the Buraku mmmunities help maintain dmrimination which is enforced by
the outside communities. In Yamamoto's words, "the Buraku community in a big city is
like a small island in the Ocean" (1986: 40) (my translation). The tendency toward
endogamy remains strong in the Buraku communities and is reinforced by exclusive
practices of non-Buraku Japanese. Accordmg to Yamamoto's research (1986) in the
Kashima area. 53.5% of people marry within the Buraku mrnmunity. Aa a result. k i n s h p
in the Buraku communities becomes more complex. Moreover. blood relatives and shared
territorial bonds are iinked in the Buraku cornmuni@. This characteristic protects the
Buraku people h m discrimination by outside communities, but on the other hand. it
helps keep Buraku people in their communities. These relationships affect the Buraku
people's behavior and t h e i . personality formation. The Japanese generally have weil-
developed h o n o d c expressions used to show respect to the person addressed. However. it
is always saîd that the Buraku have a more informal and less refked speech pattern (De
Vos and Wagatsuma. 1995: 277. Yamamoto. 1986: 16). "Patterns of speech dress. and
cornportment shared by all individuals help maintain a strong sense of in-group social
soiidarity, though individuals of the wealthier families may &O learn to behave in a style
acceptable to the outer soue@." (De Vos and Wagatsuma, 1995: 251)
A young puraku] man left the community to look for employment. ..
He stepped into a cabaret. but as he pushed open the doors. the
hostesses began to laugh: ernbarrassed. he immediately returned to
Shin-machi. The young man claimed that "the girls laughed at me
because they knew where I came fiom" (1957: 1014).
But. the girls would obviously be unable to distinguish him from any other
strangers. This episode conveys his negative self-image and sensitivity to
discrimination. "By adulthood many have already formed an irreversible sense
of their inferior social destiny" (De Vos. 19'71: 11). I t is clear that the practices
and attitudes of inferiority become part of one's identity -- as with the Buraku.
De Vos mentions that "a very difficult aspect of minority status is a
continual need to cope with a negative self-image. automaticaily internalized
as a child becomes socialized within an enclave surrounded by a disparaging
outer society" (1995: 280). Ishikawa (1992) also analyzes the relations between
discrimination and identities. He points out that discrimination deprives
people of their value of existence. As a result. the person strives to prove their
existence (to manage their identities) in order to protect his own individual
value (Ishikawa. 1992: 13).
Noguchi (1991). Ishikawa (1992) and De Vos (1995) analyze how the
Buraku people try to transform these negative influences. De Vos (1995: 275)
demonstrates that "a Buakumin must choose between four Limited
alternatives in social self-identity and group belonging":
1.iMaintain an overt and direct identity with one's past and a
present minority status. By so doing, one may be passively receptive
and resigned to the stigmata of past de£initions of the society.
P.Gain increased social advantages or changes in status through
cooperative action with others sharing a demeaned status.
3.Go into a selective disguise. in which one maintains expressive
family afnliations and group membershp within the Buraku
community, but for occupational and other instrumental purposes one
may lead a Me of semi-disguise among members of the majority
popdation.
1.Attempt to pass completely: move from the home cornmunity and
cut off overt contacts with family, forging an entirely new identity. and
in some cases fabricate a new past. (1995: 275)
In the 1950s. Suiheisya. the organization for emancipation of the Buraku
people declared "it is time to pride ourselves in being the Eta." which echoes a
similar declaration of "Black is beautifid" in the black consciousness
movement in the United States. These rnovements strive to counteract the
negative identity that has evolved through discrimination and prejudice. The
Buraku Liberation League has encouraged the Buraku people to take the
second option and develop collective identity. But. according to Yapi's research
(1994: 47). only 16.2% of the Buraku people belong to Buraku organizations.
such as the BLL. Nearly half of his respondents did not even support the aims
of the national and regional Buraku leadership or their reform programs (only
33% support these programs) (Yagi, 1994: 48).
De Vos' option of social passing means moving into rnainstream society
while trying to cover all tracks that lead back to one's origins. Since World War
II, the opportun& for leaving the Buraku communities has become greater.
Some Buraku people. especially the youth. want to emigrate and lose their
Buraku identity in order to a s s i d a t e into the general population'". Since
they are not physically different. only their place-of-residence might i d e n t e
them as Buraku. Some Buraku people succeed in passing, by moving and
changing their address at least twice. However, according to De Vos (1995:
258). "the intra-psychic tensions and di£îiculties over self-identity make it
impossible for most to continue their passing role." To live outside u s u d y
means to discard farnily and community ties and to exist under the constant
threat of exposure to the full effects of discrimination as an isolated individual
(Corneu. 1967: 345).
Even better-off Buraku families have di£f?culty passing, because their
sources of income and prestige lie within the community. while passing is
dif6cult for the poorest Buraku because of unfamiliarity with the social
practices and speech forms in use outside the community (Donoghue. 1957:
1013). Therefore. the pressure to pass is felt most strongly among Buraku's
middle-income families who are sufficiently weU-off to provide the education
and financial support for their children to enable them to become established
as white-collar workers. -4s discussed here. even though it is hard for them to
'.' However. according to Yagi's research conducted in Hyogo ( 1994: 81). 84.1'?6 indicate
that they will continue to live in the community because oEWthewarmness and
cooperation of the community". h o t h e r study conducted by Yamamoto (1986: 232)
showed that 62.3% of the Buraku people th& that living inside the cornrnunity is more
cornfortable than living outside the community. Only 6.9% disagreed. There were no big
ciifferences among sex and age categories. However. the less educated people tend to t h i d
living inside is more cornfortable. Taking the result of Yagi's research ( 1994: 81) again.
people who want to leave the cornmunity pointed out the same reason. In other words.
relationships in the comrnunity are tao overpowering. they choose to ieave rather than
remain and be bothered by the cornmunis, The "warm community" has intensified the
ambivalence toward remaining in the community and leaving the community.
pass completely, 20 per cent of people, especially youth. hope to move out of the
comrnunities (Yagi. 1994: 56). This implies t h a t cracks are appearing in
identities of the Buraku people1'.
Some Buraku youth choose to become mernbers of Yakuza [a criminal
gang] to avoid facing discrimination in legitimate society. -4s De Vos suggests.
they "feel more readdy accepted in this career activity than in attempting to
face the more overt discrimination that occurs in other occupational pursuits"
(1995: 282). Through interviews with policemen. De Vos found t h a t 40 percent
of the undenvorld is of Buraku or Korean origin (199.5:294). Some Buraku
women become entertainers, bar girls, or prostitutes to easily remove
themselves €rom the B v a k u community. Moreover. some of them migrate to
other countries for the same purpose (De Vos. 1995: 2'79).
As we have explored. through discrimination and prejudice from the
majority Japanese. the Buaku people unconsciously form negative identity
and try to manage it. iUthough some attempt to pass. practices and attitudes
of inferiority become part of the Buraku's identity.
The other side of this. however. is that the practices and attitudes of
superiority become internalized in the majority Japanese. In De Vos's words:
Japanese know very well. perhaps too well. who they are and
especially who they are not. For the Japanese, group identity is a n
assured given. They tend to believe that there is a g e a t e r degree of
' ' Yagi points out a new p henomena -- denial of Buraku discrimination. There are
increasingly a lot of young people who accept that they have Buraku background and
recognize that discrimination s t d i exista but think that t hey will not face it (lagi. 1994:
43, 54).
physical homogeneity among themselves than actually exists. .And
they tend to believe that they look uniquely alike and always look
dinerent from other Asians. In the Japanese mind. only those born of
Japanese are genetically Japanese -- nobody can become a Japanese
(1995: 268).
The above quote shows how strongly the ordinary Japanese people believe in
their own identity. an identity rooted in Shintoism. which stresses the
superiority o r uniqueness of the Japanese. The Japanese tend to divide clearly
the inside fiom outside. With this tendency. historicdy they have excluded
the Buraku people and considered them M e r e n t . They unconsciously have
developed a sense of superiority to the Buraku people.
These practices and attitudes of superiority can be seen clearty among
middle dass new comers into the Buraku comrnunities. The definition of new
corner is sorneone who lives or moves into a Buraku area. but whose parents
and grandparents were not born there. According to Noguchi (1999: 126).
about .53%of residents in the Buraku cornmunities (12 communities) in Osaka.
are new comers. Among these 12 Buraku communities. four communities have
new comers comprising more than 50% of the total population (the highest is
65% and the lowest is 13%).Among the new comers. 22% corne £kom other
Buraku communities, and '78% are from outside the Buraku communities
(Noguchi. 1999: 125).
Since the 1980s. some Buraku areas. especially urban areas. improved
their living conditions through the government Dowa projects. The
government tore down old houses and developed a new residence area. As a
result. some middle-class people bought houses in or near the Buraku
communities without realizing that it was a Buraku area. Once there. they
tend to think that they have been cheated. .4 typicd case is the Okura
residence discrimination case in Fukuoka in 1986. The middle class new
corners distributed handbills which argued that real estate companies should
have notified people that these residential areas were Buraku. .As a result.
Japanese people now tend to ask agencies whether or not places in which they
are going to build or buy houses are Buraku areas. These reactions of the
middle class who buy unknowingly into the better off Buraku areas can be
explained in term of their feeling of superiority. Because they believe
themselves superior to the Buraku people. they t h i d that they have been
cheated. and that they should not have to Live with the Buraku people. .As
Fukutake notes "people's ideas and attitudes and character are affected by
changes in their social environment. but the basic structure of consciousness is
slow to changef1(1989: 141).
Most new-corners to the Buraku communities. however. are not middle-
class. Most have academic background. occupation. and Living condition lower
than the average of the Burauk people. Some are foreigners. Sugimoto (1998)
reports that 49% of new comers into a Buraku community in R o t o are Korean
people. Yamamoto (1986) suggests that they moved into the Buraku area.
because the rent is lower than in poor non-Buraku areas. As a result. some
Buraku communities form a sort of mived urban slum. As these cases show.
the very poor and the foreigners who cannot aEord to live elsewhere. or who
are unwelcome elsewhere have entered the Buraku communities. This is a
problem lying in the workings of the Japanese economy (capitalism) that does
not provide good employment for all and "expels" these inferior people who
find another residential option in Buraku communities.
A KEY MECHANISM IN PREVDNTING THE BREAKDOWN OF THE
SYSTEM OF EXCLUSION -- KOSEKI = FAMlLY REGISTER SYSTEM
We have discussed four points in the terms of persistance: the remnants of
feudal society: religion -- puritylimpurity: national character: and identity --
superioritylinferiority. Together they cover the major systematic aspects of
society -- economic. religious. and psychological. This section focuses on the
Koseki system [Family Register] and how it helps to maintain the system of
exclusion. To understand the current Koseki system. we WU Ç s t explore its
development.
While the first Koseki was established in 6'70.this was only at the local
level. The &st nation-wide Family Register System (Jinsin Koseki) was
established in 1871. At that t h e . only the nobility. families of the samurai
class. priests and the common people were registered. This excluded the
Buraku people's ancestors -- the Eta and Hinui. In 1872. the government
brought in a law which prohibited changing f a d y names and. in 1875.
according to this law. everybody had to have a family name. The main aim of
Iioseki was not to identrSr people and legalize familg relations. but to enable
the government to keep people under perfect control through controlling
families. The Koseki included place of residence. and original class such a s the
nobility, or samurai class. Even though the Eta and Hinin class disappeared a s
a result of the emancipation in 1851. the Koseki system continued to show
t heir origin. '*'
Over tirne, there have been several discussions of Koseki. In 1882, in the
Diet session on Koseki rules. a jurist. Rinsyo Midukuri. declared "Koseki
exists only in the East. It was necessary for the feudal system. but it is not
necessary any more. The West does not have this kind of f a d y register
system. When the civil law i s established. it will be unnecessary" (Quoted in
Ninomiya. 1996: 32) (my translation). In response. however. a government
official. Kyoshi Wzitanabe. said that "the head of a household undertakes the
responsibility of the family and supports children and elder people. Therefore
they protect the family ethics. Even poor people get food and clothes because of
this kind of good custom. Koseki shows what a family ought to be. Therefore. i t
will not be abolished" (Quoted in Ninomiya, 1995: 33) (my translation).
Despite opposition to the Koseki system. succeeding governments retained it.
As a result. the ideology of IE [famiiy]. based on the Koseki register. spread
across Japan (Ninomiya. 1995).
In 1898. under Meiji civil law. both the Koseki and Class Register System
existed. in 1914. the government decided to abolish the latter. In a special
session of the House of Representatives. a politician. Toshio Shimada.
'" In 1923. one of the biggest organizations for the Buraku people. Zenkoku-Suiheisya.
requested the government abolish the entry of class. As a response to that. in 1924, the
government decided ta prohibit the use of "Eta"and "Hinin". However. people put other
classification in Iioseki register. Therefore. blanks mean that the individuais in general
are Eta and Hinin. Finally in 1938. the government abolished the clam entries.
suggested reforming the Koseki: "the Koseki came fkom the IE system. so it is
a natural process when we have IE system. However at the same time.
relations inside the family are made between individuals. When society
develops and IE system, which is the civic law's ideal goal, is destroyed.
another system which is different fkom Koseki will be necessary" (Xinomiya.
1995: 37) (my translation). However. the govemment's posiiion was that
"ahen individualisrn develops and [E systern is abolished. we will have to
abolish Koseki system. However. under the present situation. we should
reduce the idea of individualism and develop the idea of family a Little bit
more" (Ninorniya, 1995: 38) (my translation). In the ensuùig debate. the
original proposal was passed in the Diet. and the idea of the modern register
system based on individualism was thrown out.
.!ifter Japan's defeat in World War II. General Headquarters (GHQ) asked
the Japanese government to abolish the Koseki system. and make a new
register based on individual citizens. The GHQ also suggested that individual
Koseki should be established instead of the family Koseki. However. the
Government replied by saying that "it would take a lot of money and paper for
individual Koseki and that it would be ditncult to change Koseki style. Once
the economic situation recovers. they would try to change it" (Knomiya. 1995:
11)(my translation).
It was not u n d 1966 that the Koseki was reformed. but it did not change
much. Only the registration unit was changed fiom a extended family style to
a nuclear family."' Therefore. the GHQfs plan. to make the individual Koseki
an alternative to the family Koseki. was not realized.
Under the current Koseki system. every Japanese National is required to
register in a family or personal record which is maintained at a local office and
transferred. upon request. when the citizen moves to another locality.
Registers show not only current residence but also previous residences. For a
s m d fee. anyone may know the Koseki of others.
The purpose of the current Koseki is to prove personal status oEcially.
There are some rules for the Koseki. First. only people who have the same
family name c m register in the same Koseki. and secondly, only two
generations -- such as parents and their children -- can register in the same
Koseki. Therefore. when people get mamed, they have to remove their name
from the old Koseki and register in a new one. ThVdly. the address given in
the Koseki can be changed anytime and since 1887. we have been able to
choose any addresses for the depository of our family register. but it is still
possible to hace the earlier addresses. h o t h e r feature is ehat the head of a
farnily. as recorded in the register is never rernoved. even if he dies or is
divorced. The person (usuaUythe father) is always the basis of the registration.
The Koseki also has an appendk which shows the details of previous
addresses changes. Koseki and a certiiïcate of residence comect each other.
"' C'ntil that time. the high economic growth had already started. and the idea that men
should work and wornen should keep house was spread across Japan as an ideal Eamily
model. Therefore. the idea that a rnarried couple and children comprise created a family
was naturdy accepted. As a result, the government succeeded to transit swiRly h m a
big famdy style to a nuclear fa* as a registration unit.
Thus. through either of them. it is easy to trace origins.
Moreover. the Koseki can be seen easily for a small fee. and it is easy for
others to get photocopies. People can obtain personal information about others
such a s age. name, date and place of birth and death. or other details about
their personal status. such as marriage. divorce. adoption. acknowledgement
of paternity of children and heirs etc." Also anyone can trace other people's
relatives endlessly Since 1890. the Koseki has been open to the public.
because of the convenience of establishing inheritarice claims and other real
estate registration. There is no protection of privacy. The Koseki system
makes it relatively easy for private investigators to discover former addresses.
Hence. even after the Buraku people socially pass into the majority. they
continue to run the risk that their past associations with a marked community
may be discovered by someone who would not welcome a person with such a
background.
Since 1974. cities. towns and villages. mainly in the Kansai area. in
western Japan. have lobbied for a law in which the Koseki is open to o d y
families and relatives, but court ruled that these laws were illegal (Wakayama
Family Court. May 27. 1974: Kobe Family Court. January 23. 197.5). In 1956.
reforms were introduced to protect people's privacy. People have to give good
reasons to see the Koseki of others. However. it is difEcult to judge what
" The Koseki also îndicates whether or not a child is born out of weàiock. To be specific.
the Koseki shows the relationship ta the head of the household. In the case of a legitimate
chdd. it shows the 'eldest son'. 'second son'. or 'eldest daughter' etc. However. in the case
of iüegitimate children. it just shows 'child'. Therefore, the system discriminates against
divorced. and cMdren boni out of wedlock. Foreignen can not register in b e k i . even if
constitutes good reasons. In 1993. for example. there were 32,036,184 requests
for Koseki. a n increase. since the 19'76 Koseki reform.lx
As mentioned in chapter one. most f i m s of any size still require potential
employees to produce Koseki or other recomrnendations. That is a sort of
custom of hiring ernployees. The companies can check their background.
especially family background. N s o some check their partners' Koseki before
marriage. The Japanese Koseki system is a pre-modern system that works as
a rnechanism for preventing the breakdown of the Buraku exclusion.
"
Added in 9 minutes 54 seconds:
"
.!ifter Japan's defeat in World War II. General Headquarters (GHQ) asked
the Japanese government to abolish the Koseki system. and make a new
register based on individual citizens. The GHQ also suggested that individual
Koseki should be established instead of the family Koseki. However. the
Government replied by saying that "it would take a lot of money and paper for
individual Koseki and that it would be ditncult to change Koseki style. Once
the economic situation recovers. they would try to change it" (Knomiya. 1995:
11)(my translation).
It was not u n d 1966 that the Koseki was reformed. but it did not change
much. Only the registration unit was changed fiom a extended family style to
a nuclear family."' Therefore. the GHQfs plan. to make the individual Koseki
an alternative to the family Koseki. was not realized.
Under the current Koseki system. every Japanese National is required to
register in a family or personal record which is maintained at a local office and
transferred. upon request. when the citizen moves to another locality.
Registers show not only current residence but also previous residences. For a
s m d fee. anyone may know the Koseki of others.
The purpose of the current Koseki is to prove personal status oEcially.
There are some rules for the Koseki. First. only people who have the same
family name c m register in the same Koseki. and secondly, only two
generations -- such as parents and their children -- can register in the same
Koseki. Therefore. when people get mamed, they have to remove their name
from the old Koseki and register in a new one. ThVdly. the address given in
the Koseki can be changed anytime and since 1887. we have been able to
choose any addresses for the depository of our family register. but it is still
possible to hace the earlier addresses. h o t h e r feature is ehat the head of a
farnily. as recorded in the register is never rernoved. even if he dies or is
divorced. The person (usuaUythe father) is always the basis of the registration.
The Koseki also has an appendk which shows the details of previous
addresses changes. Koseki and a certiiïcate of residence comect each other.
"' C'ntil that time. the high economic growth had already started. and the idea that men
should work and wornen should keep house was spread across Japan as an ideal Eamily
model. Therefore. the idea that a rnarried couple and children comprise created a family
was naturdy accepted. As a result, the government succeeded to transit swiRly h m a
big famdy style to a nuclear fa* as a registration unit.
Thus. through either of them. it is easy to trace origins.
Moreover. the Koseki can be seen easily for a small fee. and it is easy for
others to get photocopies. People can obtain personal information about others
such a s age. name, date and place of birth and death. or other details about
their personal status. such as marriage. divorce. adoption. acknowledgement
of paternity of children and heirs etc." Also anyone can trace other people's
relatives endlessly Since 1890. the Koseki has been open to the public.
because of the convenience of establishing inheritarice claims and other real
estate registration. There is no protection of privacy. The Koseki system
makes it relatively easy for private investigators to discover former addresses.
Hence. even after the Buraku people socially pass into the majority. they
continue to run the risk that their past associations with a marked community
may be discovered by someone who would not welcome a person with such a
background.
Since 1974. cities. towns and villages. mainly in the Kansai area. in
western Japan. have lobbied for a law in which the Koseki is open to o d y
families and relatives, but court ruled that these laws were illegal (Wakayama
Family Court. May 27. 1974: Kobe Family Court. January 23. 197.5). In 1956.
reforms were introduced to protect people's privacy. People have to give good
reasons to see the Koseki of others. However. it is difEcult to judge what
" The Koseki also îndicates whether or not a child is born out of weàiock. To be specific.
the Koseki shows the relationship ta the head of the household. In the case of a legitimate
chdd. it shows the 'eldest son'. 'second son'. or 'eldest daughter' etc. However. in the case
of iüegitimate children. it just shows 'child'. Therefore, the system discriminates against
divorced. and cMdren boni out of wedlock. Foreignen can not register in b e k i . even if
constitutes good reasons. In 1993. for example. there were 32,036,184 requests
for Koseki. a n increase. since the 19'76 Koseki reform.lx
As mentioned in chapter one. most f i m s of any size still require potential
employees to produce Koseki or other recomrnendations. That is a sort of
custom of hiring ernployees. The companies can check their background.
especially family background. N s o some check their partners' Koseki before
marriage. The Japanese Koseki system is a pre-modern system that works as
a rnechanism for preventing the breakdown of the Buraku exclusion.
"
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